Chinese Immigration

Reasons for Chinese Immigration to America

The reasons the Chinese immigrated to America were comparable to those of the majority of immigrants from other nations. Chinese people wanted to immigrate to America in quest of greater economic prospects because they referred to it as the “Gold Mountain.” Additionally, the majority of other Chinese immigrants were compelled to flee China as refugees and contract workers. Chinese immigrants to America brought their language, culture, traditions, and social structures with them. Chinese immigrants made significant contributions to the United States and made an effort to integrate themselves into the culture despite the varied immigration laws that were in place at different points in time.

Patterns of Chinese Emigration

During the early Chinese emigration, the Chinese used the coolie or labor migration pattern and the sojourning pattern to move to the United States. The labor migration pattern was characterized by uneducated peasants and colonization of labor in the host country. The sojourning pattern of Chinese emigration led the Chinese to live under social isolation, which later attracted legal exclusion. In addition, the emigrants preserved the Chinese identity in the United States (Week 2 Lecture 1). The early Chinese immigrants attracted fear in the Americans, which led to formulation of laws that would punish the Chinese. The Americans did not want foreign influence, specially the Chinese culture that the immigrants maintained. On the other hand the emigrants the Chinese had devotion to their families, and men adhered to their principal filial duties. Moreover, they also had the fear of dying in a foreign land.

Factors Leading to Chinese Immigration before World War II

The main factors that led the Chinese to migrate to America in the past (pre- World War II) included economic hardships that resulted from poverty due to insufficient land as well as overpopulation in China. Economic hardships were also caused by poor harvests, high taxes as well as the absence of industrialization. Another emigration push factor in the past was disruption in politics that resulted from continued warfare that included wars with foreigners, local warlords and peasant uprisings. Overseas contacts were another contributing factor to the immigration by the Chinese to the United States. The colonization and the expansion of capitalist brought a need for cheap labor and opened economic opportunities. Information and brokerage would also strengthen networks of family and kinship. Moreover, the Chinese wanted a place of destination and had to move.

Demographics of Chinese Immigrants before World War II

Most of the pre-World War II Chinese immigrants came from south China and had family or clan ties that were tightly knit. Most of these immigrants were men that were sojourning, that were uneducated and illiterate peasants, but there was a small percentage that belonged to merchant group. These people lived in ethnic enclaves that were segregated.

Economic Impact of Chinese Immigrants in America

The Americans started viewing the Chinese immigrants as an economic threat as they led to unfair competitions for jobs due to their localized concentration and racialized visibility (Week 2 Lecture 2). A quarter of wage workers California in 1870s were Chinese. They also dominated domestic services and laundry business. There was segregation in the labor market as Chinese immigrants were more concentrated in manufacturing than in construction. As a result, the native workers got agitated due to economic downturn. As years went by the percentage of Chinese in the labor market decreased as evidenced by statistics that show that there were 90% of Chinese in Cigar and 75% in shoe making industry in 1870’s that reduced to 58% in Cigar and 33% in shoe industry in 1890’s, and in 1920’s, there were no Chinese in these two labor markets in the United States (Week 2 Lecture 3).

Impact of U.S. Immigration Policies on Chinese Immigrants

The United States immigration policies in different times that included the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act and the 1965 Hart-Celler Act affected the characteristics of Chinese immigrants to America. First, the Chinese Exclusion Act excluded all the Chinese, but not owners of businesses, students and diplomats and merchants and their families. Despite their insignificant numbers, the Chinese were singled out, which is believed not to be only related to the agitation of California workers, but also due to non-economic concerns like racial, moral and political (Week 2 Lecture 4). The Chinese Exclusion Act was very influential as the American society went ahead to rethink immigration policy with an aim of constructing a national community and identity. The exclusion also helped the Americans to control both the northern and the southern borders. On the other hand, the Chinese Americans were also affected by the exclusion as it led to separation of families since households were split. In addition, the Chinese community development was distorted with the introduction of bachelor’s societies. As a response to the exclusion, the Chinese Americans used confrontational strategies like avoidance and self-help (Week 2 Lecture 6).

Current Trends in Chinese Immigration to America

The present (post-1965) trends in the Chinese immigration to America were shaped by the Hart-Celler Act of 1965, whose goals were majorly humanitarian and economic with the aim of reunifying families and bringing the required labor to the United States. The Act allowed seven preference categories of Chinese in America including U.S. citizens’ unmarried children under the age of 21 years, the spouses and unmarried children of residents that were permanent, professionals, married people aged 21 years and above and their spouses and kids belonging to U.S. citizens, siblings and their spouses and children of citizens of U.S., employees in occupations with shortages of labor, and others such as refugees. After 1965, there was a change in the context of exit as well as reception, which affected the Chinese immigration (Week 4 Lecture 3). Still, economic, political and other factors like demand in education and need for risk diversification were considered as the push factors from China. American On the other hand, reception in America, its labor market reception and pre-existing ethnic communities positively influenced immigration from China. As a result, there was a rapid growth in Chinese population, sex ratio was balanced and the immigrants became dominant. The Chinese immigrants came from diverse origins, and were from diverse social economic status including rural, urban, educated, uneducated, skilled and unskilled. Moreover, the immigrants settled in diverse patterns as some settled in Chinatown and others in suburbs, and they had diverse modes of incorporation (Week 4 Lecture 4). Unlike ethno burbs that was characterized by its location in suburb and consisting of multiethnic groups, in Chinatowns the Chinese were majority (Week 6 Lecture 1).

Transformation of Chinese Ethnic Community

The Chinese ethnic community was transformed following the exclusion. There was formation of a bachelor society that was characterized by avoidance and self-help. Generally, the exclusion misled the development of community leading to population growths that were distorted and split households. Moreover, there was residential segregation as well as occupational segregation as the Chinese were driven out of agriculture. The number of ethnic Chinese populations in America reduced as years progressed (Week 3 Lecture 1). Under the exclusion, the Chinatowns entailed the bachelor society that was dominated by men, only few families had children and reconstructed families. The old Chinatowns entailed transplanted village that were characterized by strong social control and support, family relations and subcultures. The Chinese diasporic communities had three pillars that included Chinese schools, ethnic institutions and ethnic language media. The major ethnic organization categories included clan or family, hometown and merchant and laborer association. In addition, there were also civic and religious associations. This form of transformation facilitated the social mobility of the Chinese immigrants in the U.S. There was also a Consolidated Chinese Benevolent Association (CCBA) that consisted six companies that aimed at unifying the increasingly fractionalized ethnic population, make use of the ties to mediate disputes and to represent the Chinese Community and advocate for members that faced legal exclusion and other injustices in the society. The ethnic organizations following exclusion were very significant, especially in offering the Chinese Americans with tangible support like education and healthcare, intangible support like moral meaning and cultural familiarity as well as resource generation in terms of material, symbolic and social capital resources (Week 3 Lecture 4).

Conclusion

Economic factors were the main reason why the Chinese migrated to America during the gold rush. However, currently the reception in America has improved following Hart-Celler Act of 1965. Despite the hardships the Chinese Americans had faced following exclusion, they were able to retain their cultures through association to facilitate their social mobility. As a result, Chinese population grew rapidly in U.S., thereby making lasting contributions to United States and becoming a fundamental part of the American population.

Introduction

The increasingly high attainment in education of the Chinese Americans is rooted in the pre-World War II period. During this period, the common perception among the Americans was that the Chinese immigration was a big threat to the social and economic order that existed. Although the manner in which the Chinese Americans are perceived has changed, there still are stereotypical attitudes, especially with the commonplace “Model minority” stereotype that is based on the belief that Chinese are intelligent, hardworking, and reserved over-achievers. This essay argues that there are various structural conditions that favored the progress in education of Chinese Americans despite the significant societal discrimination they faced, and changes in the structure of occupation of the Chinese Americans are a plausible explanation for the gains in education.

Changing Characteristics of Chinese Ethnic Community

There have been changing characteristics of the ethnic community in terms of people, ethnic economy, organizational structure, and the three pillars of Chinese diasporic communities. As a result of the 1965 Immigration Act, the Chinese concentrated on selective immigration that entailed highly skilled immigrants (Week 6 Lecture 3). In addition, there were changes in the Chinese American families, which were characterized by split household families, small producer families from 1920 to World War II, and dual-wage-earner families following World War II. As a result, there were various challenges, and the main pressure points included education, work ethics, and dating. The high family expectations and the intense pressure resulted in a culture of achievement, mechanisms for social support and control, intergenerational mobility, and the Chinese paradox characterized by high achievers in education and occupation and mental health issues (Week 7 Lecture 3).

Structural and Cultural Explanations for Academic Achievements

There are both structural and cultural explanations for high rates of academic achievements for Chinese Americans. There are aspects that relate to the exit context such as the cultures of homeland including the Keju system, values, norms, and beliefs, practices of the homeland like examinations of college entrance as well as the selectivity of immigration, especially in terms of familial socioeconomic status versus group socioeconomic status. The Keju exam is the Chinese Civil Service Exam that has been done since 202 BC to the early 20th century. This exam was used to determine if an individual was qualified intellectually to be a bureaucrat or an administrator in government. The Keju exam was also used as a means to social mobility in family’s honor although only about 5 passed the exam (Week 8 Lecture 1). In relation to the contexts of exit and reception, there were structural factors like role model, payoff to education, immigrant selectivity, and the use of education as the only predictable and effective means to social mobility. As opposed to hypo-selectivity, hyper-selectivity is characterized by ensuring that there is a higher percentage of college graduates in an immigrant group than compatriots in the sending country and higher than the natives in the host country. Zhou and Jennifer (5-6) report that hyper-selectivity of the modern immigration that ushers in highly educated and skilled Asian immigrants significantly impacts the educational trajectories and outcomes of the Chinese American population in the U.S. Zhou and Jennifer (7) define hypo-selectivity as the dual unconstructive selectivity of an immigrant group that is characterized by having a reduced fraction of college graduates than their compatriots in the nation of origin as well as to the general population in the host nation. Some of the consequences of hyper-selectivity that was driven by the U.S. immigration law include an increased fraction of immigrant families with an increased socioeconomic status, starting point that is favorable, a constricting cultural frame of accomplishment, ethnic capital, and symbolic capital as they attracted constructive perception and stereotyping (Week 8 Lecture 3).

The Chinese culture interacted greatly with hyper-selectivity to influence the educational achievement of the Chinese Americans. However, although culture is very significant, the extraordinary academic success of Chinese Americans cannot be entirely attributed to the Chinese culture. The achievement of Chinese Americans and the manifestation of culture have structural roots that are deep, especially as it relates to the 1965 change in the U.S. immigration law that transformed the socioeconomic profile of the immigrants. Through hyper-selectivity, ethnic capital was encouraged to entail tangible resources that were ideal for achievement in education. These resources consisted of the ethnic system of supplementary education, Chinese schools, tutoring after school, enrichment of academics, college preparation, and extracurricular activities. Other intangible ethnic resources include reinforcing educational values, advertisement of private after-school programs targeting parents to encourage them to bring out the best in their children, mold them, and let them pursue their dream schools.

Model Minority Myth and the Chinese Americans

The “model minority” of Chinese Americans is considered a myth despite the fact that hard data show that this population achieves highly. Some traits that are associated with the “model minority” include being perceived as a hard worker to an extent that someone can work very hard and forget about his or her image, values education and excels in it, has genetic superiority and is especially excellent in science and mathematics, they never complain, but mutually depend on each other and work harder, have a strong family structure. All these characteristics are evident in Chinese Americans. For example, compared to non-Hispanic Whites, the percentages of Chinese Americans’ family household, median family income, bachelor’s degree, and professional occupations are significantly higher (Week 8 Lecture 6). There is nothing wrong with the hard data about Chinese Americans and their relation to the “model minority” myth. However, what could be problematic are the manner in which certain hard data is selectively highlighted to point out aspects about the population as well as the manner in which their success is attributed to their values, behavior, and attitude.

The 1960’s Civil Rights Movement, especially the Civil Liberty Act of 1964 is behind the model minority. The Chinese were among the people that were singled out because they also suffered serious discrimination based on race and were utilized as pawns to soften the importance of racial discrimination as a justification for the disadvantaged status of other minorities.

Challenges with the Model Minority Stereotype

For the Chinese Americans, overachieving academically is problematic. Firstly, overachieving has created a new exclusion model since the idea has social, political, and cultural exclusion on it. It also reinforces double standards as the group is held up to varying or higher standards. Overachieving has also reinforced the status of the outsider as the group is set apart from both the whites and other minorities. It reinforces both the new and the old stereotypes and blurs the reality of racial discrimination.

Conclusion

The change of immigration laws in 1965 led to hyper-selectivity of Chinese immigrants that ensured highly educated and highly skilled immigrants went to the U.S. Together with the Chinese culture, the educational achievement of the Chinese Americans was influenced as the highly skilled and educated immigrants maintained the values, beliefs, and norms in the foreign country. Despite the significant societal discrimination they faced and changes in the structure of occupation of the Chinese Americans enabled them to attain the characteristics of the “model minority”, which has been considered a myth despite the high achievement.

Works Cited

Week 2 Lecture

Week 3 Lecture

Week 4 Lecture

Week 6 Lecture

Week 7 Lecture

Week 8 Lecture

Zhou, Min, and Jennifer Lee. “Hyper-selectivity and the remaking of culture: Understanding the Asian American achievement paradox.” Asian American Journal of Psychology 8.1 (2017): 7.